Belgium: a democracy in danger?
Belgium, a pillar of European integration and the capital of the European Union, has made federalisation its model for reconciling identities and unity. But one year after the 2024 elections, questions about the country’s democratic health are becoming increasingly pressing. While indicators show encouraging results, a closer look reveals worrying cracks, particularly in the media sector and in academic autonomy.
A strong democratic score, but a nuanced reality
According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, Belgium maintains a high level of democratisation, with a score of 7.64 out of 10—slightly above the European average (7.41) and well above the global average (5.17). However, this statistical performance masks deep political divides.
The political landscape was reshaped by the victory of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA in 2024, placing Bart De Wever at the head of the government. One year later, an RTBF barometer confirms that the Prime Minister has managed to ease initial concerns, inspiring a degree of trust in Flanders and, to a lesser extent, in Wallonia and Brussels.
Federal Belgium, now divided between the Flemish, Walloon, and Brussels regions, shows different dynamics depending on the region. In Flanders, Vlaams Belang, a far-right, nationalist, and identitarian party, has consolidated its position as the second-largest political force. However, its access to power remains blocked by the “cordon sanitaire” maintained by all other parties. In Wallonia, the situation is different: the far right has only marginal representation and has thus far failed to win seats, a rare phenomenon in Europe. This absence of representation is likely due to a double barrier, both political and media-related. However, increasing permeability can be observed: some former members of far-right parties have now been integrated into the Mouvement Réformateur (MR), the French-speaking liberal right.
Pressure on the press: between funding and interference
Like France, Belgium faces growing challenges to the funding of public media and increasing infiltration of populist ideas into media debates. The NGO Reporters Without Borders notes a decline in press freedom in Belgium, with the country dropping from 11th to 18th place globally between 2021 and 2025.
Pressures are multiple. First, there is cross-border interference: executives from the Bolloré group, known for its support of the French far right, have joined the board of 21 News, a French-speaking media outlet created by an MR elected official. Second, criticism is coming from within the political class itself. Georges-Louis Bouchez, president of the MR, has strongly criticised RTBF, speaking of a “cultural war” targeting him personally and challenging the scale of public subsidies to the media, which he believes undermines pluralism. This controversy was amplified by a public altercation with a journalist following the publication of an article about the use of a disability parking card for a company vehicle linked to the MR president.
These criticisms have found support from Jacqueline Galant, a Walloon MR minister, who has proposed reducing budgets allocated to local media, a measure denounced by the opposition as a threat to press freedom.
Cracks in the academic world
Universities have not been spared from these tensions. Although Belgium scores 95/100 on the Academic Freedom Index (Friedrich-Alexander University & V-Dem Institute), the Council of French-speaking Rectors (Cref) expressed “serious concern” in February 2025 over the growing number of attacks on academic institutions.
The Cref statement points to stigmatisation campaigns on social media and attempts at pedagogical interference. The breaking point appears to have been reached after remarks by Georges-Louis Bouchez in January 2025, describing the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB) as a “Bermuda Triangle” alongside RTBF and the Socialist Party, accusing it of being subservient to the left. ULB responded by denouncing an attack on its academic freedom.
Moreover, the geopolitical context has heightened tensions on campuses. Since October 2024, the conflicts in Gaza have triggered massive student mobilisations supported by the far-left Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB). ULB and other universities in Wallonia and Flanders have been the scene of building occupations following the start of the Israeli army’s invasion of the Gaza Strip, as well as disruptions of conferences, including one planned with Louis Sarkozy and Georges-Louis Bouchez. These tensions have often led to police intervention.
Conclusion
Belgium has undeniable strengths: solid institutions and a deeply rooted democratic culture. While it shares with its neighbours the challenges of public distrust and polarisation, it has largely managed to stay the course. Nevertheless, warning signs are clear: challenges to the funding of public media and pressures on academia pose real risks to its democratic fabric. As history reminds us, democracy is never guaranteed; it requires constant vigilance and collective effort to be preserved.
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